Give Ndigbo parity state!

When, at last, the immediate past president of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, bowed to pressures from various individuals, groups and ethnic nationalities advocating for National conference, hopes were high that panacea for the country’s woes and chequered political history was in sight.

The action of the ex-president came as a surprise to many especially his critics who had hitherto accused him of insensitivity and elephant-skinned towards the multi plights of the Nigeria masses. (picture shows President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua of Nigeria)

However, Obasanjo’s bold step was commended by many even though his idea of a conference both in nomenclature and purpose differed greatly from the ideologies of the proponents of the conference. These agitators preferred nothing short of sovereign National Conference where all the federating units and ethnic nationalities in Nigeria would gather to negotiate and re-define terms for their continued co-existence as a political entity.

Thus the mixed feelings that greeted OBJ’s proposal almost became a confusion and political quagmire. While some applauded the move, his critics logically premised their skeptism on a number of obvious factors. For instance, while they wanted a Sovereign National Conference, the Otta-born farmer only offered a National Political Reform Conference otherwise known as CONFAB. Again, the method of selecting delegates to the talk show was also faulted as only the ex-president and state chief executives were to nominate them. The fear was that the delegates so hand-picked would never represent the interest of the masses but only serve as political tools to tactfully project the political interests of their masters since he who pays the piper dictates the tune.

Consequently, some people lost confidence in the exercise alleging that the then Aso Rock Monarch was going to use it to adjust the constitution to actualize his much-speculated third term bid. Some opinion leaders, especially, the protagonists of Pro-National Conference Organizations (PRONACO), shunned the reform conference.

Prominent among them were Professor Wole Soyinka, the literary icon and Nobel laureate; Pa Anthony Enahoro, a frontline nationalist; Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti, former minister of health; Alhaji Mujaheed Dukubo Asari, leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force (NDPF); Chief Ralf Uwazuruike, India–trained lawyer and leader of the movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), among others. They expressed doubt over the objectivity and integrity of the proposed conference in handling boiling national issues.

Similarly, the National Assembly on the other hand had questioned the constitutionality of such a conference and threatened to strangle its recommendations with its parliamentary muscles. On their part, muslim leaders also threatened a boycott on the grounds of the choice of Christians as both chairman and secretary of the national discourse.

Nevertheless, amidst the ragging political storms and verbal missiles by the oppositions, OBJ, defiantly in his usual ‘I dey kemkpe’ style nay ‘civi-military’ fashion convened the talk-show under the chairmanship of Justice Niki Tobi and Rev. Father Martin Kuka as chief scribe.

Ideally, the CONFAB was given a dossier of its terms of reference which demarcated its areas of jurisdiction from the ‘no-go’ areas. The continued existence of Nigeria as an indivisible entity was conspicuous on the ‘no-go’ page.

With six months mandate, the conference settled for business. Its activities were almost truncated when the delegates from the South South geo-political zone staged a walk-out protest on the issue of resource control. Nonetheless, the leadership of the CONFAB was at least able to round off its proceedings in a military fashion according to analysts and formerly handed over its recommendations to the chief convener.

Prominent and perhaps the most exciting (at least to the people of South East) among the recommendations of the CONFAB, and of course the excuse of this write-up was its unanimous resolution that an additional state be carved out from the current South East geo-political zone. This is to correct the protracted imbalance in the system which saw the zone with the least number of states. While other zones parade six states each except North Central which has seven, the South East has only five states.

Worthy of note however, is that it was the first time Nigerians waived ethnic garments and sentiments and spoke with one voice concerning the welfare of a people who found themselves hated without provocations in the midst of their brethren. Thus, to the people of the region, the recommendation was a milestone, well deserved and long overdue. The move was observed as a palliative measure to assuage the chronic pains of protracted marginalization wantonly perpetrated on the zone by the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba hegemony.

Thus, basking on the euphoria of this heart-warming, spirit-lifting and therapeutic political balm cum succour, various associations and interest groups from the zone began to jostle upon one another proposing and campaigning for various states. Some of such states being canvassed include: “Adada State” advocated by the people of Nsukka in Enugu state; ‘”Aba State”, from Abia; “Njaba” and “Urashi” states jointly from Anambra and Imo States; and “Equity State” comprising various towns from all the states in the South East.

Although this quest for a favourable state by these interest groups is not uncommon, the inability of leaders of thought from the zone to reach a compromise on a particular (unity) state after so many years now further exposes the leadership porousity in the zone as a tribe without a central voice. It has further buttressed the point that lack of unity has remained the greatest undoing of the Igbo man in the Nigerian agenda. These also shamefully show how much Ohanaeze a socio-political Igbo association has failed in its reasons of existence. Instead of championing the collective interest of Ndigbo its leadership is divided along personal gains.

Prophetically though, a militia group, movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) which has uncompromisingly advocated for the self autonomy of the zone since the inception of the current democratic dispensation dismissed the recommendation as a political ruse. The group alleged that it was a ploy by the then federal government to divert attention from its discriminatory and anti-people polices that had polarized the already tensed polity. According to the group, it is illusory and utopian for the zone to expect so much from an administration led by one adjudged a sworn enemy of the Igbo nation.

Therefore, one of the greatest challenges before President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua is to win back the confidence of the people by not towing the steps of his predecessor when it comes to the welfare of the zone. It still beats many imaginations why the ex-president allowed his third term bid project to eclipse salient national interest such as giving additional state of parity to the South East.

The pathetic question agitating many objective minds include: what has become of the much expected Adada, Aba , Njaba, Urashi, or Equity state? With over three years since the end of the reform conference which many described as a monumental waste and exercise in futility, Ndigbo are still expecting their consolation state.

To be on the better side of history, now is the time for both the presidency and the National Assembly to respect the opinions of Nigerians as reflected in the CONFAB recommendation vis-à-vis the additional state creation from the South East by setting aside without delay all ethnic and legislative bottle necks forestalling the exercise. The on-going constitutional review should as a matter of priority give the much needed legislative backup to the issue without sentiments.

This will be better appreciated considering the fact that by no other way will Nigeria better achieve or facilitate the much talked-about national unity than to obey the collective will of the people. It will be no overstatement perhaps to conclude that the continued delay in creating a new state from the South East is a subtle but conscious application of the federal script of marginalization against the Igbo race. Thus, the huge resources committed in hosting the CONFAB will according to critics indeed amount to a monumental waste jamboree and exercise in futility if like the OPUTA Panel the state creation stuff is thrown to the garbage can of history.

Scripted by Steve Oko, Okigwe (08038725600)